Showing posts with label dictatorship of the proletariat. Show all posts
Showing posts with label dictatorship of the proletariat. Show all posts

Saturday, 15 March 2014

China knifes Russia




China and the conquest of Mackinder's Heartland. 

The abstention of China in the UNSC on the Crimean question, represents a new strategic and diplomatic disaster for the rotten Okhrana regime that controls Russia. This new defeat signals not only the complete isolation of the mafia in Moscow but, more importantly, the confirmation that China, a China that bases its development on Western technology, markets and the sacrifices of Western and Chinese workers alike, is not, and cannot be, a reliable ally for Oligorussia. The rift opened between the USSR and the PRC during the neocommunist era, is wide, deep and permanent in a world of cut throat capitalist competition. 

It is not only that China is terrified of secessionist movements in its provinces or that, in spite of the rhetoric and the moronic hallucinations of the leftists, China's main allies are the US and Europe, but rather that, if and when China masters the necessary power and independence, they will be directed against the weakest point, towards the rich resources and empty spaces of Siberia and the Heartland, implementing, almost to the letter, one of the scenarios already envisaged by Mackinder: a Sino-Japanese empire without Japan. The spoils are not for sharing! 

The rottenness of Russia, paraded with imperial anachronism, glittering tackiness and criminal support for nazi tyranny in places like Syria, has invited a multiple assault from the world powers in different directions. In the West, Ukraine is lost and Crimea is full of minorities that will stir up sooner or later. In the East, China is waiting for its opportunity to strike. The North is full of nuclear submarines and bombers. And in the South, the all important Afghanistan, will soon be abandoned to its fate by NATO, creating a vacuum that will suck in the Banana Republics of Central Asia and expose the Heartland. Russia cannot be saved and does not deserve to be saved, but its workers might spark again a World Revolution...



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Thursday, 13 March 2014

Lenin on the World Revolution




In the impending decisive battles in the world revolution, the movement of the majority of the population of the globe, initially directed towards national liberation, will turn against capitalism and imperialism.
Lenin



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Tuesday, 11 March 2014

NATO's revolutionary flight

Burn…!!!




Renouncing Soviet development and World Revolution, Russia became, once again, Oligorussia, the bulwark of reaction, sponsor of tyranny and barbaric exploitation around the world, an Okhrana regime bent on resurrecting the Tsarist Autocracy of the blackest past. Today, those responsible for the destruction and pillaging of the First Workers Republic and those that were indifferent to its fate, face the full force of Marxist Dialectics and a deserved annihilation at the hands of… that revolution they wanted so desperately to avoid…!!!



Hands off Afghanistan…!!!

To Moscow…!!!

To the Heartland…!!!


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Sunday, 9 March 2014

Lenin on The Third International




The First International (1864-72) laid the foundation of an international organisation of the workers for the preparation of their revolutionary attack on capital. The Second International (1889-1914) was an international organisation of the proletarian movement whose growth proceeded in breadth, at the cost of a temporary drop in the revolutionary level, a temporary strengthening of opportunism, which in the end led to the disgraceful collapse of this International. 

The Third International actually emerged in 1918, when the long years of struggle against opportunism and social-chauvinism, especially during the war, led to the formation of Communist Parties in a number of countries. Officially, the Third International was founded at its First Congress, in March 1919, in Moscow. And the most characteristic feature of this International, its mission of fulfilling, of implementing the precepts of Marxism, and of achieving the age-old ideals of socialism and the working-class movement—this most characteristic feature of the Third International has manifested itself immediately in the fact that the new, third, “International Working Men’s Association” has already begun to develop, to a certain extent, into a union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

The First International laid the foundation of the proletarian, international struggle for socialism. 

The Second International marked a period in which the soil was prepared for the broad, mass spread of the movement in a number of countries. 

The Third International has gathered the fruits of the work of the Second International, discarded its opportunist, social-chauvinist, bourgeois and petty-bourgeois dross, and has begun to implement the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Lenin



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Comintern

March 1919
The Communist International



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Thursday, 6 March 2014

NATO's revolutionary flight




For the destruction of Oligorussia…!!!

To Moscow…!!!

To the Heartland…!!!





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Wednesday, 5 March 2014

Sudetenrussen

Oligorussia creates a New Sudetenland…!!!

From strategic blunder to strategic blunder, the putrid 'neotsarist' oligarchy of a Slimy Leftist Nazi Russia, tries to stop the rot by creating a racist Sudetenland in Ukraine…!!!




Proletarians with Ukraine…!!!

Not a step back…!!!

War against 'neotsarist' and feudocapitalist Oligorussia…!!!

Socialism or death to Oligorrusia…!!!



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Saturday, 5 October 2013

Plato on the appeasing class




For the appeasing class are always ready to lead a peaceful life, quietly doing their own business; this is their manner of behaving with all men at home, and they are equally ready to find some way of keeping the peace with foreign States. And on account of this fondness of theirs for peace, which is often out of season where their influence prevails, they become by degrees unwarlike, and bring up their young men to be like themselves; they are at the mercy of their enemies; whence in a few years they and their children and the whole city often pass imperceptibly from the condition of freemen into that of slaves.

Plato


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Friday, 4 October 2013

General Vo Nguyen Giap

In Memoriam Viri

General Vo Nguyen Giap
 25 August 1911 – 4 October 2013

Architect of Proletarian Victories 



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Sunday, 29 September 2013

29-30 Septiembre 1938

Acuerdos de Múnich

¡¡¡Terror Blanco contra la Revolución!!!

¡¡¡Entrega de la Checoslovaquia burguesa al nazismo alemán para evitar la intervención de la Unión Soviética y la extensión de la Revolución Proletaria!!!



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Radek on Fascism in 1923



What is the ultimate cause of the Fascist movement? The ultimate cause of the Fascist movement is the reduction of great numbers of the middle classes to the condition of the proletariat as an outcome of the war. Disordered public finance, demoralized currency, rising prices, and enormous taxes have pauperized our educated classes, civil servants, army officers, and an important faction of our independent artisans and tradesmen. These people are seeking to save themselves. They are trying to find a new formula for life. 

Immediately after the war the Social Democrats and other representatives of the petty bourgeoisie gained control of the government in Germany, Czechoslovakia, Austria, and Italy. The distressed classes we have just mentioned hoped thus to bring about a change in their favor. But such a reform could be won only by a determined struggle with the great capitalists, and the adoption of Socialist measures. The Social Democrats failed, because they feared Big Capital and distrusted the ability of the proletariat. They not only compromised with their opponents but capitulated to them. This destroyed the faith of both the working people and the middle classes in Socialism itself. 

Since the condition of the middle classes grew steadily worse, they were forced to try other methods, and resorted to Fascism, whose motto is: ‘Destroy this lying democracy that merely stands for corruption and profiteering and ruins the industrious commons. Let us set up a strong government of bold, vigorous men, competent to run things, who will start our factories going, make our railways pay, give remunerative employment to our starving bourgeoisie, and rescue from ruin the educated classes.’

Radek

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Saturday, 14 September 2013

Solidarifuck...!!!

¡¡¡El nacionalcatolicismo polaco, tras deshacerse del 'socialismo' y de millones y millones de trabajadores polacos, en una de las mayores migraciones de la prehisotoria humana, tiene que salir de nuevo a la calle... esta vez para 'protestar' contra el canibalismo capitalista que él mismo ha creado!!!

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Friday, 2 August 2013

Hyperimmigration UK

Hyperimmigration
Suddenly, we are not in Paradise...!!!


Mr P. Whittle spills the beans...!!!


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Sunday, 7 April 2013

Lenin on bourgeois democracy



And so in capitalist society we have a democracy that is curtailed, wretched, false, a democracy only for the rich, for the minority. The dictatorship of the proletariat, the period of transition to communism, will for the first time create democracy for the people, for the majority, along with the necessary suppression of the exploiters, of the minority.

Lenin


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Tuesday, 6 November 2012

Lenin: Letter to the CC - October 24 (November 6) 1917


Comrades, I am writing these lines on the evening of the 24th. The situation is critical in the extreme. In fact it is now absolutely clear that to delay the uprising would be fatal.

With all my might I urge comrades to realise that everything now hangs by a thread; that we are confronted by problems which are not to be solved by conferences or congresses (even congresses of Soviets), but exclusively by peoples, by the masses, by the struggle of the armed people.

The bourgeois onslaught of the Kornilovites and the removal of Verkhovsky show that we must not wait. We must at all costs, this very evening, this very night, arrest the government, having first disarmed the officer cadets (defeating them, if they resist), and so on.

We must not wait! We may lose everything!

 The value of the immediate seizure of power will be the defence of the people (not of the congress, but of the people, the army and the peasants in the first place) from the Kornilovite government, which has driven out Verkhovsky and has hatched a second Kornilov plot.

Who must take power?

That is not important at present. Let the Revolutionary Military Committee do it, or "some other institution" which will declare that it will relinquish power only to the true representatives of the interests of the people, the interests of the army (the immediate proposal of peace), the interests of the peasants (the land to be taken immediately and private property abolished), the interests of the starving.

All districts, all regiments, all forces must be mobilised at once and must immediately send their delegations to the Revolutionary Military Committee and to the Central Committee of the Bolsheviks with the insistent demand that under no circumstances should power be left in the hands of Kerensky and Co. until the 25th not under any circumstances; the matter must be decided without fail this very evening, or this very night.

History will not forgive revolutionaries for procrastinating when they could be victorious today (and they certainly will be victorious today), while they risk losing much tomorrow, in fact, they risk losing everything.

If we seize power today, we seize it not in opposition to the Soviets but on their behalf. The seizure of power is the business of the uprising; its political purpose will become clear after the seizure. It would be a disaster, or a sheer formality, to await the wavering vote of October 25.

The people have the right and are in duty bound to decide such questions not by a vote, but by force; in critical moments of revolution, the people have the right and are in duty bound to give directions to their representatives, even their best representatives, and not to wait for them.

This is proved by the history of all revolutions; and it would be an infinite crime on the part of the revolutionaries were they to let the chance slip, knowing that the salvation of the revolution,the offer of peace, the salvation of Petrograd, salvation from famine, the transfer of the land to the peasants depend upon them.

The government is tottering. It must be given the deathblow at all costs.

To delay action is fatal.

Lenin


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Tuesday, 31 July 2012

Marx on the Dictatorship of the Proletariat




And now as to myself, no credit is due to me for discovering the existence of classes in modern society or the struggle between them. Long before me bourgeois historians had described the historical development of this class struggle and bourgeois economists, the economic anatomy of classes. What I did that was new was to prove: (1) that the existence of classes is only bound up with the particular, historical phases in the development of production (historische Entwicklungsphasen der Produktion), (2) that the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat, (3) that this dictatorship itself only constitutes the transition to the abolition of all classes and to a classless society. 


 Marx 



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Monday, 30 July 2012

Lenin on the Dictatorship of the Proletariat




It is often said and written that the main point in Marx's theory is the class struggle. But this is wrong. And this wrong notion very often results in an opportunist distortion of Marxism and its falsification in a spirit acceptable to the bourgeoisie. For the theory of the class struggle was created not by Marx, but by the bourgeoisie before Marx, and, generally speaking, it is acceptable to the bourgeoisie. Those who recognize only the class struggle are not yet Marxists; they may be found to be still within the bounds of bourgeois thinking and bourgeois politics. To confine Marxism to the theory of the class struggle means curtailing Marxism, distorting it, reducing it to something acceptable to the bourgeoisie. Only he is a Marxist who extends the recognition of the class struggle to the recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat. That is what constitutes the most profound distinction between the Marxist and the ordinary petty (as well as big) bourgeois. This is the touchstone on which the real understanding and recognition of Marxism should be tested. And it is not surprising that when the history of Europe brought the working class face to face with this question as a practical issue, not only all the opportunists and reformists, but all the Kautskyites (people who vacillate between reformism and Marxism) proved to be miserable philistines and petty-bourgeois democrats repudiating the dictatorship of the proletariat. 

Lenin


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