Lest We Forget. Angola, 1975. Battle of Kifangondo.

¡Héroes Socialistas!

¡Tropas Internacionalistas Cubanas y del FAPLA destruyen al FLNA y a sus aliados colonialistas en la batalla de Kifangondo y aseguran la independencia de Angola!

¡Caciques al GULAG!

Workers of the World, Unite!

¡Reciprocidad! ¡Repatriación! ¡Revolución!

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Catetomarxismo

Desoladoras peripecias de la Filosofía Alemana en el vacío intelectual y metafísico de Cortijo-España.

 Leer el artículo del Diputado de Izquierda 'Unida', A. Garzón, 'Réquiem por la socialdemocracia' (http://blogs.publico.es/economia-para-pobres/2012/11/09/requiem-por-la-socialdemocracia/), publicado hoy en el diario nazi-izquierdista Público.es, solo puede provocar la grima y desazón propias que levanta esa lamentable tradición izquierdista, es decir, anti-marxista, que ha destruido el movimiento obrero español. 

La confusión mental, más que intelectual, del infantilismo izquierdista, está perfectamente retratada en un artículo que pretende, como es natural en el izquierdismo, suplantar, confundir y falsear la doctrina marxista del proletariado. 

Una crítica exhaustiva del escrito en cuestión, con todas sus ambigüedades y turbias expresiones, sería demasiado larga y, quizás, hasta provechosa para nuestros enemigos, por lo que nos abstendremos de tal transgresión. Sin embargo, consideramos conveniente señalar brevemente que:

 1- La 'ley de tendencia decreciente de la tasa de ganancia' (fenómeno considerado, aunque no satisfactoriamente explicado, por economistas clásicos como David Ricardo, por ejemplo), es solo una tendencia. En palabras de Marx: 'There must be some counteracting influences at work, which cross and annul the effect of the general law, and which give it merely the characteristic of a tendency, for which reason we have referred to the fall of the general rate of profit as a tendency to fall.' Entre esas influencias contrarias a la 'ley', destacan la 'reducción de salarios por debajo del valor de la fuerza de trabajo', la relativa superpoblación y el comercio exterior que abarata los productos necesarios para los trabajadores, es decir, fenómenos muy relacionados con la inmigración que tanto defienden los nazi-izquierdistas en general y el partido del autor en particular. 

2- El Capital de Marx es, como su subtítulo indica, una 'Kritik der politischen Ökonomie' (Crítica de la Economía Política) y, en verdad, hace lo que dice, poniendo de relieve las necesarias falacias de la ciencia económica burguesa, sus distorsiones e inversiones ideológicas, tan ampliamente demostradas hoy en día. Por ejemplo, así interpreta la reducción en precios de las mercancías, contrariamente a lo que el capitalista y sus univer-sicarios podrían imaginar: 'The fall in commodity-prices and the rise in the mass of profit on the augmented mass of these cheapened commodities is, in fact, but another expression for the law of the falling rate of profit attended by a simultaneously increasing mass of profit.' 

3- La crítica de Bernstein (¡Eduard no Leonard!), contra Marx era, precisamente, que la concentración y centralización capitalista no se había materializado y que, además, la riqueza se estaba distribuyendo cada vez más entre la población. Por tanto, afirmar concentración y el triunfo de las tesis de Bernstein es imposible. Lo cierto es que, la unión y acción proletaria, política, económica o filosófica, la guerra de clases y el triunfo de la Revolución Rusa, explican los avances de la clase obrera mundial. 

4- Los neomarxistas, neoizquierdistas y demás univer-sicarios burgueses, NO SON MARXISTAS, como sus tesis revisionistas y reaccionarias sobre la dependencia, la explotación del Tercer Mundo, etc, demuestran. De hecho, sus criminales teorías, son contra-revolucionarias, pacifistas y justificadoras, de una manera pervertida e indirecta, de la globalización y los movimientos migratorios de explotación capitalista y del anti-imperialismo bananero y racista de los países subdesarrollados que, por cierto, también utilizan medidas proteccionistas extremas. 

5- La socialdemocracia y el izquierdismo, no pueden elegir nada, pues no son más que instrumentos de dominación burguesa en el seno de la clase obrera. Son la forma de existencia de la burguesía entre los trabajadores y sirven para destruir, desorganizar, encauzar y embaucar, el descontento popular. De ahí que, por lo general, fuera la socialdemocracia y el izquierdismo, los que reintrodujeran o profundizaran el neoliberalismo, por ejemplo los desgobiernos de F. González y de la rama SOE del PPSOE en Cortijo-España o Blair y el New Labour en Gran Bretaña o Miterrand y los suyos en Francia. 

El marxismo fetén, como ya demostrara Lenin, aunque incompleto por naturaleza, es correcto y la historia del mundo, desde su articulación teórica y práctica, no ha sido más que la serie de sangrientos intentos de negación del mismo, por parte de una burguesía que no deja de utilizarlo contra los trabajadores para evitar su propia destrucción.

¡Caciques al GULAG!

Workers of the World, Unite!

¡Reciprocidad! ¡Repatriación! ¡Revolución!

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Lukacs and Hilferding on Bourgeois Economics

Here, once again, we can clearly observe the close interaction between a class and the scientific method that arises from the attempt to conceptualise the social character of that class together with its laws and needs. It has often been pointed out-in these pages and elsewhere-that the problem that forms the ultimate barrier to the economic thought of the bourgeoisie is the crisis. If now-in the full awareness of our own one-sidedness-consider this question from a purely methodological point of view, we see that it is the very success with which the economy is totally rationalised and transformed into an abstract and mathematically orientated system of formal ‘laws’ that creates the methodological barrier to understanding the phenomenon of crisis. In moments of crisis the qualitative existence of the ‘things’ that lead their lives beyond the purview of economics as misunderstood and neglected things-in-themselves, as use-values, suddenly becomes the decisive factor. (Suddenly, that is, for reified, rational thought.) Or rather: these ‘laws’ fail to function and the reified mind is unable to perceive a pattern in this ‘chaos’.

This failure is characteristic not merely of classical economics (which regarded crises as ‘passing’, ‘accidental’ disturbances), but of bourgeois economics in toto. The incomprehensibility and irrationality of crises is indeed a consequence of the class situation and interests of the bourgeoisie but it follows equally from their approach to economics. (There is no need to spell out the fact that for us these are both merely aspects of the same dialectical unity). This consequence follows with such inevitability that Tugan-Baranovsky, for example, attempts in his theory to draw the necessary conclusions from a century of crises by excluding consumption from economics entirely and founding a ‘pure’ economics based only on production. The source of crises (whose existence cannot be denied) is then found to lie in incongruities between the various elements of production, i.e. in purely quantitative factors. Hilferding puts his finger on the fallacy underlying all such explanations:

"They operate only with economic concepts such as capital, profit, accumulation, etc., and believe that they possess the solution to the problem when they have discovered the quantitative relations on the basis of which either simple and expanded reproduction is possible, or else there are disturbances. They overlook the fact that there are qualitative conditions attached to these quantitative relations, that it is not merely a question of units of value which can easily be compared with each other but also use-values of a definite kind which must fulfil a definite function in production and consumption. Further, they are oblivious of the fact that in the analysis of the process of reproduction more is involved than just aspects of capital in general, so that it is not enough to say that an excess or a deficit of industrial capital can be ‘balanced’ by an appropriate amount of money-capital. Nor is it a matter of fixed or circulating capital, but rather of machines, raw materials, labour-power of a quite definite (technically defined) sort, if disruptions are to be avoided.”

G. Lukacs citing R. Hilferding

¡Caciques al GULAG!

Workers of the World, Unite!

¡Reciprocidad! ¡Repatriación! ¡Revolución!

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Grecia: Huelga General de 48 horas... Adelante...!!!

¡Caciques al GULAG!

Workers of the World, Unite!

¡Reciprocidad! ¡Repatriación! ¡Revolución!

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КИНО: Oktober by Sergei Eisenstein

¡Caciques al GULAG!

Workers of the World, Unite!

¡Reciprocidad! ¡Repatriación! ¡Revolución!

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Lenin: Letter to the CC - October 24 (November 6) 1917

Comrades, I am writing these lines on the evening of the 24th. The situation is critical in the extreme. In fact it is now absolutely clear that to delay the uprising would be fatal.

With all my might I urge comrades to realise that everything now hangs by a thread; that we are confronted by problems which are not to be solved by conferences or congresses (even congresses of Soviets), but exclusively by peoples, by the masses, by the struggle of the armed people.

The bourgeois onslaught of the Kornilovites and the removal of Verkhovsky show that we must not wait. We must at all costs, this very evening, this very night, arrest the government, having first disarmed the officer cadets (defeating them, if they resist), and so on.

We must not wait! We may lose everything!

 The value of the immediate seizure of power will be the defence of the people (not of the congress, but of the people, the army and the peasants in the first place) from the Kornilovite government, which has driven out Verkhovsky and has hatched a second Kornilov plot.

Who must take power?

That is not important at present. Let the Revolutionary Military Committee do it, or "some other institution" which will declare that it will relinquish power only to the true representatives of the interests of the people, the interests of the army (the immediate proposal of peace), the interests of the peasants (the land to be taken immediately and private property abolished), the interests of the starving.

All districts, all regiments, all forces must be mobilised at once and must immediately send their delegations to the Revolutionary Military Committee and to the Central Committee of the Bolsheviks with the insistent demand that under no circumstances should power be left in the hands of Kerensky and Co. until the 25th not under any circumstances; the matter must be decided without fail this very evening, or this very night.

History will not forgive revolutionaries for procrastinating when they could be victorious today (and they certainly will be victorious today), while they risk losing much tomorrow, in fact, they risk losing everything.

If we seize power today, we seize it not in opposition to the Soviets but on their behalf. The seizure of power is the business of the uprising; its political purpose will become clear after the seizure. It would be a disaster, or a sheer formality, to await the wavering vote of October 25.

The people have the right and are in duty bound to decide such questions not by a vote, but by force; in critical moments of revolution, the people have the right and are in duty bound to give directions to their representatives, even their best representatives, and not to wait for them.

This is proved by the history of all revolutions; and it would be an infinite crime on the part of the revolutionaries were they to let the chance slip, knowing that the salvation of the revolution,the offer of peace, the salvation of Petrograd, salvation from famine, the transfer of the land to the peasants depend upon them.

The government is tottering. It must be given the deathblow at all costs.

To delay action is fatal.

Lenin

¡Caciques al GULAG!

Workers of the World, Unite!

¡Reciprocidad! ¡Repatriación! ¡Revolución!

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Red Guards in the Vulkan Factory

¡Caciques al GULAG!

Workers of the World, Unite!

¡Reciprocidad! ¡Repatriación! ¡Revolución!

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